Customs of Tagalog

Who is Juan de Plasencia?

Juan de Plasencia, also known as Juan Portocarrero, was a Spanish Franciscan friar born in the early 16th century in Plasencia, Spain. During his missionary work in the Philippines, he contributed to the establishment of several towns in Luzon, including Majayjay, Tayabas, Caliraya, and Lucban. He also founded a primary school to educate the local population in Christian doctrine, literacy, and practical crafts. His most notable contribution is the Doctrina Cristiana (1593), recognized as the first book printed in the Philippines (National Historical Commission of the Philippines [NHCP], 2017).

Excerpts from Juan de Plasencia on the Customs of the Tagalog

Leadership and Government

The datu, chief of the smallest government unit known as the barangay (derived from balangay, meaning boat), governed communities consisting of thirty to one hundred households. The datu was highly respected, and offenses committed against him or his family were severely punished.

Social Structure

Tagalog society was divided into three distinct social classes: the nobles (maharlica), the commoners, and the slaves, who were further categorized as alipin namamahay and alipin saguiguilid.

Individuals born into the maharlica class, those with noble lineage on both paternal and maternal sides, retained their status indefinitely . They could only lose their nobility through marriage. If a maharlica had children with his own slave, both the mother and children were granted freedom.  However, if the slave belonged to another master, the pregnant woman was required to pay half a gold tael to her master due to the risks of childbirth and her inability to work. In such cases, the child was considered partially free, with the father responsible for the child’s welfare. If the father failed to provide support, the child was deemed a full slave.

If a free woman had children with a slave who was not her husband, the children were considered free. In marriages between a maharlica and a slave (either namamahay or saguiguilid), the children were divided: the first, third, fifth, and so on belonged to the father and were free; the second, fourth, sixth, and so forth belonged to the mother and were slaves. If only one child was born, they were considered half-free and half-slave.

In families with a single child, status was also determined by gender (sic) . Children who inherited slave status followed the classification of their enslaved parent either namamahay or saguiguilid. If there was an odd number of children, the extra child was also considered half-free and half-slave. The exact age or moment of status classification varied and was not clearly defined. Among the two slave categories, saguiguilid could be sold, while namamahay and their descendants could not be sold or transferred, though they could be inherited and relocated within the same village.

No one was condemned to slavery unless they committed an offense punishable by death. Those accused of witchcraft were executed, and their children and accomplices were enslaved by the datu after compensation was paid to the aggrieved party. Other offenses were punished with fines in gold. If the fine could not be paid immediately, the offender was required to serve until the debt was repaid. Payment could be made through half of the cultivated land, with all produce going to the master, who also provided food and clothing. The offender and their children remained in bondage until the debt was settled. If the father paid the debt, the master could still demand compensation for having supported the children.

Usurious loan and fines 

If a person cannot pay his debt, it will be become hindrance to his baptism and confession. In the case of fine being imposed, one must give half of his cultivated land profits until he pays the full amount. Most of cases, the debtor is condemned to a life of toil and even through death the debt shall extend to the children. If not paid it will double in amount.

Punishment as dowry

If a married woman had a child with another man (the adulterer), and her husband punished the adulterer, this punishment was considered a form of dowry. This act of punishment legitimized the child.

Inheritance Rights

Once legitimized, a child could inherit from the father (the husband of the mother). The child’s share of the inheritance was equal to what the father bequeathed, but no more. If there were no other sons, the child would share the inheritance equally with the nearest relatives. If the husband did not punish the adulterer, the child was not considered legitimate and therefore had no inheritance rights. Punishing the adulterer did not dishonor the husband, nor did it result in him leaving his wife. Rather, it served as a means to legitimize the child. 

Marriage and Property Ownership

When a man decided to marry, it was customary to provide a dowry to the bride’s parents. The parents could use the dowry, and upon their death, it would be inherited equally by their children unless the father chose to allocate a larger portion to his daughter. If the woman had no living parents or grandparents, she retained her dowry, which was not passed on to other relatives or children.

However, an unmarried woman could not own property or receive dowries. Historically, all her earnings were given to her parents. 

Religious Practices and Festival Setup

They worshiped an idol named Bathala, which means “all-powerful” or “maker of all things.” People were considered pagan, as they also worshiped the sun and moon. There were no permanent temples for sacrifices. The term simbahan referred to a temporary place of worship set up in a chief’s large house during festivals called pandot.

Pre-colonial Filipinos had a rich cultural heritage, with various rituals and customs reflecting their animistic beliefs. They worshiped a pantheon of gods and goddesses, with Bathala as the supreme deity. Anito (spirits) played a significant role in their daily lives, and they believed in appeasing these spirits through offerings and rituals. Babaylan or katalonan (priestesses) were highly respected in the community for their spiritual knowledge and ability to communicate with the spirit world.

During festivals, temporary sheds were built around the house to shelter attendees. The house was divided into three compartments and decorated with lamps and palm leaves. Drums were played throughout the four-day festival, and the entire barangay (community) participated in the worship called nagaanitos.

The information presented above reflects my understanding of the customs practiced by the natives in the Laguna region, as well as among the tingues and the broader Tagalog community. Elders assert that a datu who acts in opposition to these customs would lose the respect of the people. Furthermore, in recounting past tyrannies, some individuals have condemned such actions and deemed them immoral.

Throughout the villages and various regions of the Philippine Islands, there were no temples dedicated to the performance of sacrifices, the veneration of idols, or the widespread practice of idolatry. It is accurate to state that they referred to such places as simbahan, which translates to a temple or place of worship; however, this designation stemmed from their historical practice of celebrating a festival known as pandot, or “worship,” within the large residence of a chief.

For these occasions, they would erect temporary shelters on either side of the house, featuring roofs called sibi, to shield attendees from rain. The structure was designed to accommodate a large number of people, partitioned into three sections akin to the layout of ships. Small lamps, referred to as sorihile, were affixed to the posts of the house, while a prominent lamp, embellished with intricately designed leaves of the white palm, was placed at the center. Additionally, various drums, both large and small, were gathered and played in succession throughout the duration of the feast, which typically lasted four days. During this period, the entire barangay, or community, came together to participate in the worship they termed nagaanitos. For the duration of this celebration, the house was regarded as a temple.

The indigenous people did not possess a formal system for dividing time into years, months, and days. Instead, they measured time based on agricultural practices, using the lunar cycle and observing the varying impacts on trees as they produced flowers, fruits, and leaves. This natural rhythm aided them in conceptualizing the passage of a year. They differentiated between winter and summer by referring to them as sun-time and water-time, with the latter term indicating winter in areas that did not experience cold, snow, or ice.

References

National Historical Commission of the Philippines. (2017). Doctrina Cristiana: The first book printed in the Philippines. NHCP Publications.

Plasencia, J. de. (1589/2005). Relacion de las costumbres de los tagalos [Relation of the customs of the Tagalogs]. In J. Schumacher (Ed.), Readings in Philippine history (pp. 45–52). Ateneo de Manila University Press. (Original work published 1589)

CliffsNotes. (n.d.). Customs of the Tagalogs [PDF]. Retrieved from https://www.cliffsnotes.com/study-notes/14946605

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Docsity. (n.d.). Customs of the Tagalogs [Summary]. Retrieved from https://www.docsity.com/en/customs-of-the-tagalogs/7287627

Studocu. (n.d.). Customs of the Tagalogs by Juan de Plasencia [Our Lady of Fatima University]. Retrieved from https://www.studocu.com/ph/document/our-lady-of-fatima-university/philippine-history-and-culture/customs-of-the-tagalogs-juan-de-plasencia/78912014

Studocu. (n.d.). Civil Relations – Philippine History [University of Eastern Philippines]. Retrieved from https://www.studocu.com/ph/document/university-of-eastern-philippines/ab-language-and-literature-teaching/civil-relations-philippine-history/50366501